Party cadres, usually Han Chinese, are stationed in Uyghur homes, a policy known as “becoming kin”. The Chinese government has facilitated the mass transfer of Uyghur and other ethnic minority1 citizens from the far west region of Xinjiang to factories across the country. Human Rights Watch gives the following compilation of estimates of the detained population: The People's Republic, founded in 1949, banned private confessional teaching from the early 1950s to the 1980s, until a more liberal stance allowed religious mosque education to resume and private Muslim schools to open. New evidence suggests that hundreds of thousands of Uyghur children may have been separated from one or both detained parents. This publication is subject to copyright. A February 1992 Ürümqi bus bombing, attributed to the Shock Brigade of the Islamic Reformist Party, resulted in three deaths. [107], In the late 1950s and early 1960s, between 60,000 and 200,000 Uyghurs, Kazakhs, and other minorities fled China to the USSR, largely as a result of the Great Leap Forward. 22 mostly Western countries condemned China’s treatment of Uighurs in Xinjiang in July 2019. [108][109][110] Tensions continued to escalate throughout the decade, with ethnic guerrilla groups based in Kazakhstan frequently raiding Chinese border posts,[111][112] and Chinese and Soviet forces clashing on the border in 1969. James Leibold, ‘Despite China’s denials, its treatment of the Uyghurs should be called what it is: cultural genocide’, The Conversation, 24 July 2019. In China, auxiliary police are unarmed officers hired through contracts. [10][184], The Bangkok bombing is suspected to have been carried out by the Turkish ultranationalist organisation known as the Grey Wolves in response to Thailand's deportation of 100 Uyghur asylum-seekers back to China. Bill Birtles, ‘China defends “vocational training centres” amid international pressure over mass Uighur detentions’, ABC News, 17 October 2018. Classified Chinese government documents released by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) in November 2019 revealed that more than fifteen thousand Xinjiang residents were placed in detention centers during a seven-day period in June 2017 after being flagged by the algorithm. In March 2019, the press office of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region government told AFP that there was ‘no labour contract between education and training centres and enterprises’ and that ‘no enterprise obtains labour from training centres’; Agence France-Press, ‘China turns Muslim ‘re-education’ camp detainees into cheap labour force, human rights group claims’, South China Morning Post, 4 March 2019. The UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office provided ASPI with funding of £10,000, which was used towards this report. Five Uyghurs and two Vietnamese guards died in the incident. For a government that seeks to project soft power, this is a worry. This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information in relation to the subject matter covered. [159][194] A Kyrgyzstan government agency pointed the finger at Nusra allied Syrian based Uyghurs. Government officials first denied the camps’ existence. ‘From here to a brand new life—Xinjiang Hotan, Kashgar Vocational Skills Education and Training Center’ (从这里，走向崭新生活—新疆和田，喀什职业技能教育培训中心见闻), Xinhua News (新华网), 5 November 2018. [21][a] 2018 estimates place the number of detainees in the hundreds of thousands. [2] The U.S. State Department have listed them as a terrorist organisation since 2002,[207] and as having received "training and financial assistance" from al-Qaeda. ‘Group profile’, Jeongsan International, no date, online; ‘Nike Global Manufacturing data export—filters applied: ((none))’ Nike, August 2019. Li Yuhui, China’s assistance program in Xinjiang, Lexington Books, Lanham, Maryland, 2018. Since 2017, Xinjiang has filled a large number of security-related positions, including auxiliary police officers. The appendix lists all Chinese and global brands implicated, as well as the cities and provinces in China where the factories are known to be using Uyghur labour. Starting in October 2018, officials started calling them centers for “vocational education and training programs.” In March 2019, their official name became “vocational training centers,” and Xinjiang’s governor, Shohrat Zakir, described them as “boarding schools” that provide job skills to “trainees” who are voluntarily admitted and allowed to leave the camps. Recruitment advertisements for staff in the internment camps reportedly state that experience in psychological training is a plus. ‘Hotan migrant workers find employment in Jiangxi Nanchang’s high-tech enterprises’ (和田外出务工人员 在江西南昌高新企业就业掠影), Hotan People’s government (和田市人民政府), 8 April 2019. [141] Although the names are often used synonymously, and China exclusively uses ETIM, the link between the two is still unproven. However, internal Chinese government documents leaked in late 2019 have provided important details on how officials launched and maintain the detention camps. Gan, ‘Xinjiang’s police hiring binge comes from party boss’s Tibet playbook’; ‘Shandong Qingdao recruits 40 auxiliary policemen with a monthly salary of 4500, can sign up for specialized training’ (山东青岛招聘40名辅警月薪4500 专科就可以 报名), Auxiliary Police Officers (警务辅助人员), WeChat, 19 January 2018. The UN human rights chief and other UN officials have demanded access to the camps. In a recent interview, HYP President Zeng Yifa (曾亿法) told state media that he established a factory in Xinjiang because it was difficult to find young workers in other parts of China, or even abroad, concluding that: ‘Although the quality of North Korean workers is good, I’m reluctant to spend money on foreign workers.
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